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The War That Led to Hezbollah's Exploding Pagers: | Inside Documentary "Paging Hezbollah"

What drove Israel to carry out one of the most extraordinary intelligence operations in modern warfare? At the Los Angeles premiere of "Paging Hezbollah," director Justin Folk, executive producer Brad Parscale, producer Kirby Williamson and Israeli reservist Rotem Avni discussed the escalating conflict with Hezbollah, the human toll of Iran-backed militancy and the circumstances that preceded the exploding pagers.

Illustration of Iran-backed armed groups around Israel and the 2024 Hezbollah pager operation
Iran-backed groups and Israel’s regional security challenges, illustrated alongside the 2024 exploding-pager operation. Conceptual editorial illustration; map and arrows are schematic, not to scale. Graphic: JooTube.TV / AI-assisted illustration.

For nearly a year before Israel’s September 2024 pager operation, communities along the country’s northern border had been living under Hezbollah fire. The Iran-backed Lebanese organization began launching rockets and missiles toward Israel on October 8, 2023, the day after Hamas’s attack from Gaza. Roughly 60,000 Israelis and 95,000 Lebanese were displaced during the ensuing border conflict, according to a Congressional Research Service account.

That escalating conflict provides the backdrop for "Paging Hezbollah," Justin Folk’s 93-
minute documentary, released in U.S. theaters October 30. The film reconstructs Israel’s extraordinary September 17–18, 2024 intelligence operation, when explosives concealed inside pagers and handheld radios used by Hezbollah were detonated across Lebanon. Through interviews with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, former Mossad director David Barnea and others, the documentary examines how the operation was conceived, secretly prepared and executed, and why Israeli leaders considered it a turning point in the war.

At the October 26 Beverly Hills premiere, JooTube.TV spoke with the filmmakers and recorded the post-screening discussion. What emerged was an argument extending beyond Israel’s military ingenuity: that the conflict cannot be understood solely through images of Israeli firepower or Lebanese casualties, without also examining the organization Israel was confronting and the regional consequences of its actions.

The conflict beyond Israel’s borders

Iran helped build Hezbollah into a heavily armed Islamist organization whose 1985 founding manifesto called for Israel’s destruction. Armed, trained and financed by Tehran, Hezbollah became a powerful military and political force within Lebanon, launching attacks against Israel while extending its influence throughout the region. During Syria’s civil war, Hezbollah deployed fighters to help preserve Bashar al-Assad’s government, intervening in battles that devastated communities and displaced civilians. Its operations made Hezbollah far more than a threat to Israel’s northern border: the organization became a central instrument of Iranian power in the Levant. These developments are documented by the Center for Strategic and International Studies and the Carnegie Endowment.

Masked Hezbollah fighter carrying a heavy munition during a May 2023 military exercise in southern Lebanon
A masked Hezbollah fighter carries a heavy munition during the group’s military exercise at Aaramta, southern Lebanon, May 21, 2023. The photograph documents a staged military drill, not the 2024 pager operation.
Photo: Tasnim News Agency / Wikimedia Commons · CC BY 4.0.
Masked Hezbollah fighters pose alongside truck-mounted multiple rocket launchers during May 2023 exercise in Lebanon
Masked Hezbollah fighters beside truck-mounted multiple rocket launchers at the Aaramta military exercise, May 21, 2023. This was a public demonstration of the group’s armed capabilities.
Photo: Tasnim News Agency / Wikimedia Commons · CC BY 4.0.

For northern Israelis, the threat was anything but abstract. In Kiryat Shmona, Metula and smaller border communities, months of rocket, drone and anti-tank-missile attacks drove families from their homes, interrupted schooling and work, damaged houses and farms, and even sparked wildfires. Reuters followed displaced residents who did not know when they could safely return.

Vehicle riddled with holes and shattered windows following Hezbollah shelling of Kiryat Shmona in January 2024
A vehicle damaged during Hezbollah shelling of Kiryat Shmona in northern Israel, January 2, 2024.
Photograph: Alexander Khanin / Wikimedia Commons · CC BY-SA 4.0.

The danger extended beyond Jewish towns. On July 27, 2024, a rocket struck a soccer field in the Druze town of Majdal Shams in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, killing 12 children and teenagers. The United States and Israel blamed Hezbollah; the organization denied responsibility.

Soccer goal with black mourning ribbons at Majdal Shams on July 29, 2024
The soccer field at Majdal Shams two days after the July 27, 2024, rocket strike that killed 12 children and teenagers.
Photograph: Nizzan Cohen / Wikimedia Commons · CC BY 4.0.
Large crowd of mourners gathered for the funeral of children killed at Majdal Shams, July 28, 2024
Mourners at the July 28, 2024, funeral for children killed in the Majdal Shams rocket strike.
Photograph: الرجل من مجدل / Wikimedia Commons · CC0 1.0 (public-domain dedication).

Israel also warned that Hezbollah’s elite Radwan Force was preparing something worse than continued shelling: a cross-border assault aimed at seizing communities in the Galilee. Israeli officers described a plan to capture northern towns and kill or abduct residents, and reported discovering weapons and infrastructure near the border. The reported “Conquer the Galilee” plan was not carried out, but the threat of an incursion compounded the fear of another October 7.

Across the border, Lebanese civilians suffered from a war many had not chosen. In the predominantly Christian village of Rmeish, residents told Reuters they had confronted armed men attempting to launch rockets from their village. They feared that launches near their homes would invite retaliation and drive them permanently from the area. Lebanese Shiite families, too, were uprooted by the escalating Israel-Hezbollah conflict. In Syria, Hezbollah’s military support for Bashar al-Assad’s government carried another civilian cost: a Human Rights Watch investigation described the siege of al-Qusayr, while a United Nations inquiry documented the part government forces and Hezbollah played in besieging Madaya, where civilians faced severe hunger and blocked humanitarian supplies.

These conflicts formed part of a wider regional confrontation involving Iran-backed armed movements. Hamas fought Israel from Gaza, Hezbollah attacked from Lebanon, and the Houthis in Yemen launched missiles and drones toward Israel while also striking Red Sea shipping; Iran-aligned militias in Iraq and Syria added other fronts. Calling this a three-front war captures three prominent directions of attack, though the network extended beyond three and its members were not necessarily taking every order from Tehran. The Congressional Research Service describes both Iran’s support and the groups’ varying degrees of independence. Hezbollah’s own foundational ideology, as summarized by the Council on Foreign Relations, explicitly envisioned Israel’s destruction.

Display case of rifles, a machine gun and an RPG launcher at the Mleeta Hezbollah museum in Lebanon
Display of Hezbollah small arms, including rifles and an RPG launcher, at Mleeta in Lebanon, photographed in 2013. This is a museum display, not a 2024 weapons seizure.
Photograph: Frode Bjorshol / Wikimedia Commons · CC BY 2.0.

That is the larger danger the film’s makers want viewers to consider: not an Israeli army confronting a single defenseless population, but overlapping struggles involving armed organizations, neighboring states and civilians of many faiths. It is also why the civilian casualties of Israeli operations matter and should be reported accurately. A broader account of Hezbollah’s conduct does not mean every person harmed in Lebanon was a combatant, or that every Israeli action was lawful.

Watch the Paging Hezbollah trailer

Before the premiere interviews and post-screening discussion, watch the documentary’s trailer.

Trailer for Paging Hezbollah. Watch on YouTube.

The day the reservists felt hope again

Rotem Avni, an Israeli reservist and co-producer, supplied one of the clearest firsthand accounts of the pager operation’s psychological impact. He told the premiere audience that after nearly a year of war and exhausting reserve deployments, the explosions brought shock, followed by hope and pride. When Hezbollah’s walkie-talkies exploded the next day, he recalled a sense that Israel was regaining its footing.

The personal cost had not disappeared. Avni, an independent business owner, said he was recalled shortly after finishing another round of service. Israelis, he explained, often live two parallel lives: civilian work and family life on one side, reserve duty on the other.

Rotem Avni describes the operation’s impact on morale and the disruption of reserve service. Edited Panel 1: 2:18–4:17.

What made Parscale want to tell the story

Executive producer Brad Parscale had been near the Gaza border just weeks before the October 7, 2023 attacks. He told JooTube.TV that people he met there were subsequently killed. Afterward, he became more engaged in what he called the communications fight over Israel.

The pager operation raised another question for Parscale, who had worked in politics and government: how could a plan requiring years of preparation and secrecy come together without being exposed? He began sketching the idea for a documentary, discussed it with his friend David Keyes, a Los Angeles-born Israeli-American and former Netanyahu spokesman, and sought investors. Parscale says Keyes suggested the title Paging Hezbollah.

But Parscale wanted more than the mechanics of espionage. He said the film also had to convey the "ring of fire" around Israel: the sense of living within range of hostile armed organizations and the pressure that creates for ordinary people.

Parscale explains the film’s origins and its larger historical purpose. This embed plays the complete published interview; original transcript cues: 5:31–7:23, but the public video was shortened.

Folk’s challenge: telling Israel’s side of the conflict

Director Justin Folk said he had long been drawn to Israel’s ancient history and modern struggle to survive. A Christian who studies the Hebrew Bible, he describes his religious connection to the country as an important part of why he undertook the film.

Folk said Netanyahu, Mossad and the Israel Defense Forces cooperated with the production, while maintaining that officials did not dictate its content. His larger argument was about perception: Israel had learned to fight what he called the kinetic war, but had not been as effective at explaining itself through Western media.

The filmmakers’ ambition, in that telling, is to counter the image of Israel as a powerful aggressor fighting a helpless population by giving audiences more context about Hezbollah’s ideology, armaments, attacks and regional role. That is an argument made by the filmmakers, not a conclusion viewers are obliged to accept.

Kirby Williamson: the civilians behind the headlines

Producer Kirby Williamson, meanwhile, argued that Western news coverage gives insufficient attention to Islamist militancy, including attacks on Christians in parts of Africa. Those conflicts are not all Hezbollah’s doing, but she sees them as part of a wider problem that audiences should understand.

Her most affecting examples were personal. Williamson recalled an Israeli tank commander who could see his own home from his position near the border, with his wife and children nearby. Later she described an Israeli mother holding a baby and imagining a Lebanese mother who also brushes her children’s teeth and longs for peace. Williamson was not certain the latter scene remained in the final film, but its meaning had stayed with her.

For Williamson, concern about Hezbollah and Hamas need not mean indifference to Lebanese or Palestinian civilians. Her point was that ordinary families on opposite sides of a border may desire much the same things, even while armed groups pursue very different aims.

Williamson discusses a tank commander’s family and the shared hopes of Israeli and Lebanese mothers. Edited interview: 3:01–5:23.

The uncomfortable images, and the larger story

The explosions that make the documentary’s subject so extraordinary also took place in shops, homes and other civilian settings. Children and medical personnel were among those killed or injured, and human-rights investigators have raised serious questions about the legality of the operation. Human Rights Watch documented those consequences. They should not be erased in telling the story of Israel’s intelligence success.

Nor should the images of the explosions erase the history of Hezbollah’s attacks, its armed power within Lebanon or its intervention in Syria. The people interviewed at the premiere offered perspectives on a conflict whose stakes cannot be reduced to one set of images: Avni described renewed morale, Parscale remembered acquaintances killed after October 7, Folk explained the need for historical context, and Williamson spoke about families who want to live without war.

Paging Hezbollah gives audiences the filmmakers’ account of how the operation was planned and why they regard it as consequential. Readers can see the documentary and evaluate that account for themselves.

Where to see Paging Hezbollah in U.S. theaters

Selected theaters as of November 8, 2026: These are confirmed examples in major metropolitan areas, not a complete nationwide listing. Showtimes and engagements can change. Select a theater for its schedule, or use the film's live ticket finder to search any U.S. city.

Find current showtimes and tickets in your city at the official Paging Hezbollah ticket site.

Note: A city not listed here may still have a screening. This guide is a November 8 snapshot; check the official finder for current availability.

Paging Hezbollah opened in U.S. theaters October 30, 2026.

Reporting and sources: JooTube.TV interviews and premiere panel, October 26, 2026; Congressional Research Service; CSIS; Carnegie Endowment; Human Rights Watch; film credits and release information.

October 7th First-Responder: The True Genocide is Islamists' - Projecting their Guilt Onto Jews

Amidst three years of Islamo-Marxist chants to "free Palestine - from the river to the sea" what's been forgotten is what initiated the violence which provoked Israel into her defensive military response.  




The current conflict was set in motion by the
October 7, 2023, Islamic Iran-backed, Palestinian assault on southern Israeli villages and the Nova Music Festival, which killed about 1,200 people and carried 251 hostages into Gaza.

Analysts of Hamas' strategy have concluded that leader, Yahya Sinwar sought a wider war that would draw in other fronts and isolate Israel internationally. What matters in this interview is what Palestinian attackers did to civilians in Israel — Jews, Christians, Muslims and others — in the attack that triggered that war.

"Pogrom(s)" is a documentary film by Middle East Studio which explores the tragedy of October 7 in the context of traditional Muslim antisemitism and the rebirth of Jew hatred worldwide.

The images that came out of Gaza after October 7 showed undeniable destruction, displacement and human suffering. But the argument over Gaza is not simply about whether destruction occurred. It is about what those images and the statistics repeatedly attached to them actually prove.

Much of the case presented to the public for calling Israel’s war “genocide” has rested on aggregate casualty figures originating with Gaza’s Hamas-run Health Ministry, which do not distinguish civilians from combatants; claims of deliberate starvation; images of destroyed neighborhoods presented without the military circumstances surrounding individual strikes; and assertions that the scale of destruction itself demonstrates an Israeli intent to destroy the Palestinian population.

Those conclusions are far more contested than much of the reporting surrounding them has suggested.

Researcher, Salo Aizenberg, argues that this framing turns the central question of genocidal intent on its head. In his analysis, the clearest evidence of such intent in this war was displayed on October 7 itself: Hamas-led attackers deliberately murdered Jews and other civilians wherever they could reach them and stopped not because they had satisfied a limited military objective, but because Israeli forces stopped them. Aizenberg also points to statements by Hamas leaders openly celebrating the attack, threatening to repeat it and expressing the goal of killing Jews. In his formulation, the allegation of genocide against Israel has helped obscure the explicitly exterminatory intent demonstrated by Hamas. [Aizenberg]

That distinction between civilian suffering and genocidal intent is crucial. Genocide is not established merely by showing that large numbers of civilians died, that neighborhoods were destroyed or that a population endured severe hardship during a war. The accusation depends on evidence that such actions were undertaken with the specific intent to destroy a protected population, in whole or in substantial part.

The conduct of the Israeli military therefore matters as much as the resulting images. Aizenberg has pointed to an assessment by more than 75 retired senior U.S. military leaders and legal experts rejecting the contention that Israel’s conduct demonstrates genocide. Drawing on military and legal experience, they cited such measures as advance warnings, evacuation instructions, humanitarian corridors, tactical pauses, legal review of targets and cancellation of strikes when civilians were judged to be at excessive risk. Their argument is not that Palestinian civilians did not die or suffer, but that civilian casualties in combat do not - by themselves - establish either illegality or genocidal intent.

Israeli Ambassador to the United States Yechiel Leiter has similarly challenged the transformation of disputed Hamas-generated statistics, humanitarian projections and emotionally powerful imagery into assertions of genocide and deliberate starvation presented as settled fact. His argument is that casualty totals repeatedly circulated internationally do not distinguish terrorists from civilians and that claims involving food deprivation, civilian protection and Israeli targeting practices require scrutiny before they can establish deliberate exterminatory intent. [Leiter]

Other analyses have likewise challenged the process by which estimates, forecasts and claims originating with Hamas authorities, advocacy organizations or international institutions can be repeated through news reports until the original uncertainty largely disappears. A disturbing photograph may be authentic while the explanation attached to it is incomplete, disputed or false. A real civilian death does not tell us whether the person was deliberately targeted. A destroyed building does not tell us whether Hamas was operating from it. And an aggregate death toll does not reveal how many of the dead were combatants. [More analysis]

None of that requires denying Palestinian civilian suffering. Nor does it mean that every Israeli strike or wartime decision is necessarily beyond criticism. It means something more precise: suffering is evidence of the terrible consequences of war;  it is not, standing alone, evidence of genocide.

And that is where Simcha Greiniman’s testimony becomes especially important.

The images from Gaza show what Palestinians experienced during the war that followed. Greiniman takes the reader back to what precipitated that war and to the intentions displayed when armed Islamist attackers entered Israeli communities and homes.

His testimony describes civilians deliberately selected, tortured, mutilated, burned and murdered — not collateral casualties produced while attacking military targets, but people who were themselves the targets.

Understanding what Israel subsequently did in Gaza does not require ignoring Palestinian suffering. But judging why Israel went to war — and evaluating accusations about the intent behind that war — cannot fairly begin with the ruins of Gaza while omitting what happened in Israel on October 7th.

Simcha Greiniman at disaster site

As the years have passed, the nature of that attack has increasingly been compressed into two words: “October 7th.”  Commander Simcha Greiniman’s eyewitness testimony forces attention back onto what those words meant on the ground.

Cmdr.
 Simcha Greiniman is a deputy commander and 32-year veteran of ZAKA, an Israeli search and rescue organization dedicated to recovering remains for proper burial. 

A carpenter and father of five from Modi’in Illit, Greiniman served in the IDF search and rescue special forces for 27 years before leading ZAKA volunteer teams. During the October 7, 2023 Hamas attacks, Greiniman and his team worked around the clock to recover hundreds of bodies from kibbutzim, the Supernova Music Festival, and highways, often under direct fire. He has since testified at the United Nations and before international bodies, providing firsthand accounts of the atrocities committed, including mass murders and sexual violence, to counter denial and antisemitism.

3:10–6:05 — Recovering the Victims of October 7

Speaking from his experience recovering victims from Israel’s Gaza-border communities, Greiniman describes not merely the scale of the massacre but what he says was the calculated depravity of Islamist Hamas-led Palestinian attackers.

Greiniman says he personally handled hundreds of bodies during the recovery operation and supervised the collection of remains and forensic evidence. Among the cases he describes is a woman whose body, he says, had been mutilated with nails hammered into her genitalia. Greiniman told the interviewer that he personally handled that body and directed the collection of evidence.

6:06–11:49 — Evidence of Systematic Atrocities: Mutilation, Burning and Planned Killing

His account becomes still more disturbing when he describes entering a home in Kibbutz Be’eri.

Greiniman says the smell of blood led recovery workers into a bedroom, where they found a Holocaust survivor on a hospital bed. He says the victim had been cut apart using hammers, knives, screwdrivers and other implements.

When asked directly whether the people he was describing had been mutilated after they were dead or while still alive, Greiniman answered:

“No. No, they were alive.”

He said subsequent forensic examinations also showed victims who had been burned alive, describing the position of their hands as evidence that they had tried to protect themselves from the flames.

This is what distinguishes Greiniman’s testimony from a recitation of casualty statistics.

He is describing the manner in which civilians were killed.

And, according to Greiniman, what convinced him that the atrocities were not simply isolated acts committed by individual attackers was their repetition.

“When you see it again and again and again in different places,” he said — not at only one kibbutz but at many — “it was a plan.”

Greiniman described what he believed was a pattern: when attackers had time, victims were brutalized; when they did not, they were shot, killed and burned. He said bodies were burned in homes, cars and around the Nova festival area, sometimes destroying evidence of what had been done beforehand.

Greiniman’s testimony describes something more than indiscriminate mass killing. He says the recovery scenes showed systematic atrocities by Islamist Hamas-led Palestinian attackers across multiple Israeli communities.


Documenting October 7 Before Denial Took Hold

Mr. Greiniman also describes how rapidly denial of the October 7 atrocities began to spread.

ZAKA volunteers normally do not photograph the dead. The organization’s religious and humanitarian practice emphasizes maintaining the dignity of victims and sparing their families from having gruesome photographs permanently circulated online. But as denial of the massacre spread, Greiniman says ZAKA received instructions from Israel’s Chief Rabbinate and Prime Minister’s Office to thoroughly document the recovery sites.

According to Greiniman, Israeli police eventually received more than 200,000 images from the scenes, material generally withheld from public circulation but available as evidence to appropriate officials.

 (Article continues below)

"The real lesson of Oct. 7? Stop appealing for sympathy" by Jonathan Tobin

After three years of rejection and antisemitism, Jews must cease asking for pity and second-guessing failed efforts at explaining themselves, and instead - project strength.

By Jonathan S. Tobin | Jewish News Syndicate

(Oct 5 / JNS) After three years of failure, it’s time to try something else. That’s the lesson that Jews and those who purport to speak for them and/or the pro-Israel community should be thinking about on the third anniversary of the Oct. 7 massacre.

For three years, the Jewish world has been stunned by the reaction to the Hamas-led Palestinian Arab terror attacks on Israeli communities on Oct. 7, 2023. But it’s time to stop. More to the point, it’s also necessary to cease appealing for sympathy or understanding.

The expectation on the part of most Jews and Israelis, as well as those who are their friends in the days that followed, was that world opinion would swing behind the Jewish state in the aftermath of that horrific orgy of mass murder, torture, rape, kidnapping and wanton destruction. And there was, in fact, some initial sympathy for Israel, even in the media that is so quick to denounce it.

The turn against Israel

Within days, however, that changed. Once it was clear that Israelis were not going to simply accept their victimization and would act to end the threat of more such atrocities, what passes for enlightened liberal opinion, along with some elements on the far right, voiced outrage. That outrage was not aimed at the crimes of the Palestinians. Nor was it a response to the evidence that their leaders and most of the population have meant what they said when they repeatedly rejected an independent state alongside Israel and would settle for nothing less than the destruction of the Jewish state.

Instead, the spectacle of Jews defending themselves and moving to eliminate a threat that no sovereign nation would tolerate on its border was too much for a world that has largely regarded Jewish power of any kind as intolerable. Even before the Israel Defense Forces began their offensive into Gaza to attempt to eliminate Hamas’s ability to make good on their promises to repeat Oct. 7-style massacres, anti-Israel protests began. More importantly, world leaders called for caution and restraint that they would never demand of their own countries under similar circumstances.

The United States was an initial exception to that rule. Yet within weeks, the administration of President Joe Biden, which had supported Israel’s goal of eliminating Hamas, shifted to a more equivocal stance. What ensued was a year-long dance in which the United States sought to pressure the government of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to stop seeking victory. Washington even demanded that Jerusalem accept an outcome in which the continued hold on power on the part of the Islamist terrorists who had ruled Gaza as an independent Palestinian state in all but name since 2007 was to be tolerated.

Biden’s shift was clearly a reaction to liberal and left-wing opinion in his own Democratic Party. After Oct. 7, Democrats, who had already been turning against Israel over the course of the previous decade under the administration of President Barack Obama, overwhelmingly took the side of the Palestinians against the Israelis.

The same was true around the globe as Western European nations—influenced by both the influx of Muslim immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa, and by Marxist and left-wing parties that reviled Zionism—expressed their horror at the idea of Israel pursuing a war to defeat Hamas. In the summer of 2024, Southern California officials, led by Mayor Karen Bass, provided insufficient police intervention, enabling Islamo-Leftists to antagonize Jewish residential area.



Disingenuous ‘criticism’

Israel’s foes claim that the revulsion was the product of an unusually harsh and “disproportionate” offensive in Gaza in which its military indiscriminately killed large numbers of civilians, including women and children. The Jewish state was accused of “genocide” and causing mass starvation. Indeed, so ubiquitous were these accusations in mainstream media outlets and popular culture that few liberals or left-wingers dared to question them or consider them debatable.

This critique was—and remains—entirely disingenuous. Israel’s military used more restraint in the difficult conditions of urban warfare and, as impartial military experts testified, killed a far lower percentage of civilians than in any other such confrontation in modern-day history.

Hamas hid behind Palestinian civilians and did everything to expose them to death. They stored weapons in schools and hospitals. They stole food meant for residents that the Israelis moved from one part of the Strip to another to keep them out of the way of airstrikes and other military efforts to bring back men, women and children dragged by Hamas on Oct. 7 into the coastal enclave. With the international aid it had received prior to Oct. 7, Hamas had built a tunnel network under Gaza that might be termed the world’s largest bomb shelter, the size of the New York City subway system. But no civilians (other than the hostages, many of whom were hid there) were allowed into them. They were only for terrorist fighters, their commanders and their supplies.

There was no “genocide” or Gaza famine. There isn’t any such thing going on today. Nonetheless, much of the world believes it.

The atrocities of Oct. 7 were denied, even though Hamas and other Palestinian terrorists had documented them with GoPro cameras and social-media uploads (one infamously called his parents to brag about how many Jews he killed that day). The victims, including raped women and men, were ignored or not believed. Posters of the kidnapped, even of a 9-month-old baby, were torn down on the streets of American and European cities. Mass rallies were held to bolster support for Hamas on the streets of those cities and on college campuses.

The main reason for the lack of sympathy for Israel wasn’t because Netanyahu or members of his cabinet were unlikable or too truculent, or because his government failed to mount an effective public diplomacy campaign (though it should have done better). Nor was it because pro-Israel supporters in the United States were equally ineffective in making the case for the Jewish state or against intransigent Palestinian Arabs and their terrorist leaders.

The deck was stacked against Israel long before Oct. 7. Like the American education system, the corporate media had largely been captured by left-wing ideologues who believed in political activism, not journalism. And it, too, adopted the skewed ideas of critical race theory, intersectionality and settler-colonialism that exacerbated racial tensions among the general population, as well as falsely labeled Israelis and Jews as “white” oppressors and their Palestinian opponents as “people of color.” That meant the former were always in the wrong, no matter what they did - and the latter in the right, no matter how awful their crimes.

Improve your inscription for the new Hebrew year - Sustain JooTube's disseminating independent, video journalism

During this solemn Week of Judgment between Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, the words of Unetaneh Tokef (prayer about life and death in the coming year, such as "who shall live and who shall die, who by water and who by fire") call upon us to consider these three actions that can lessen the severity of the decree of our fate for us in this New Year:

  1. Teshuvah - repentance and return

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Between Yom Kippur and the U.N.: A Season of Vigilance- 53yrs after 1973, 25yrs after 9/11/2001

Kenneth Abramowitz's case for resolve on Iran, set against this year's diplomacy — and a holiday season that asks Israel to remember 1973 as much as to atone.

The National 9/11 Memorial, 25th anniversary commemoration

The National 9/11 Memorial on the 25th commemoration of the attacks.

This year, the sun sets on the 25th anniversary of al-Qaeda's attack on America. It rises on Rosh Hashanah 5787 — the Jewish new year beginning at the exact moment the country pauses to remember its deadliest day.

The calendar carries other anniversaries too. It's been eleven years since the Obama administration and a Democratic Senate minority pushed through the JCPOA, the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, over the objections of every Senate Republican. Three years after that, Israeli intelligence produced an archive of roughly 100,000 Iranian nuclear documents, seized in a 2018 raid. The IAEA and Western intelligence agencies reviewed the material. President Trump cited it that same year when withdrawing the U.S. from the deal. Those are questions raised in 2001 — who is the enemy, how far does the war against it extend — that media and civic leaders have downplayed ever since. This year they returned in a very literal form: an actual war between Israel, the U.S., and Iran that began in late February.

Shipping traffic through the Strait of Hormuz

That tension ran through a recent interview with Kenneth Abramowitz, founder and president of SaveTheWest.com and a leader with the Florida-based Citizens for National Security, recorded at the Republican Jewish Coalition's Leadership Summit in Las Vegas — hours before the same coalition gave Vice President JD Vance a standing ovation.

Full interview above. Click any "watch this moment" link below to jump the player to that point.

In His Own Words

Mr. Abramowitz, who spent time in Israel this year, opened with a blunt diagnosis of what he believes the White House misunderstands about the region.

▶ 0:09 — watch this moment

Israel's population, he said, has learned that it is "surrounded by death cults."

▶ 0:16 — watch this moment

"No more Mr. Nice Guy," he said, arguing the same posture should apply to American bases and to the U.S. itself.

He extended the label well beyond foreign militant groups.

▶ 1:19–2:20 — watch this moment

The Muslim Brotherhood and the Democratic Socialists of America, he said, both qualify as "death cults" in his framework — grouped together, in his telling, by a shared hostility to the Constitution, the rule of law, and policing.

The late Mickey Bienenfeld sounds the shofar
The late Mickey Bienenfeld (heard in "The Ten Commandments") sounded the shofar

On Iran, Mr. Abramowitz framed the confrontation as three overlapping wars — a recent six-month conflict, a 47-year state of hostility dating to 1979, and what he called a 1,400-year war with a strain of Islam. Asked whether America's involvement against Iran amounted to anything short of an "America First" action — the critique he said JD Vance tends to gesture toward — he didn't back away from it.

▶ 4:06–4:31 — watch this moment

He argued the U.S. has both a right and a constitutional obligation to act against foreign and domestic threats alike.

▶ 5:04–5:30 — watch this moment

He cast advocates of a more restrained "America First" posture as unwitting heirs to Charles Lindbergh's isolationist movement before Pearl Harbor.

Asked whether higher gas prices were worth pressuring Iran, he didn't hedge.

▶ 5:30–6:06 — watch this moment

"I'd rather have gas at $4.50 and be living than having it at $3 and be dead," he said, arguing a nuclear-armed Iran was the true cost of cheaper fuel.

The Diplomacy Around It

This context sits outside the interview itself — a separate thread in this year's actual diplomacy, worth setting alongside it. What Mr. Abramowitz described as America's posture toward Iran — "no more Mr. Nice Guy" — matched the early part of this year but not the rest of it. Israel and the United States went to war with Iran in February; the war ended in ceasefires brokered largely by Qatar and Pakistan, not Washington or Jerusalem. Gaza has followed a similar shape: Hamas's disarmament is being run through a Board of Peace that President Trump created and chairs, with Netanyahu's government sitting outside much of that process rather than directing it.

Quadrilateral Iran talks
Quadrilateral Iran talks 

A different kind of year

Vice President JD Vance at RJC
Vice Pres. JD Vance at RJC via JTA

None of that record dampened the reception the Pres. and the V.P. got in Las Vegas. The V.P. received a standing ovation taking the stage and another leaving it, and RJC board members said afterward they'd back him in 2028.

A new year opens on an old question

This week between Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur is traditionally a time of accounting — a moment, in Jewish tradition, to ask honestly what changed and what didn't. Mr. Abramowitz closed his own interview with a version of that same question, cast across a much longer arc than one election cycle or one administration.

▶ 8:07–8:22 — watch this moment

He invoked the biblical command to fight Amalek "every generation," arguing that communists, Islamists, and globalists are this generation's incarnation of that same enemy, returning, in his telling, precisely because each generation forgets the one before it.

Yom Kippur carries its own memory of forgetting. It was on this holiday in 1973 that Egypt and Syria launched a coordinated surprise attack on Israel, catching the country at its most unguarded moment of the year — a reminder, still marked each fall, that vigilance and devotion are meant to sit together, not in tension. 

This year the holiday falls as Prime Minister Netanyahu prepares to travel to New York, expected to address the UN General Assembly within days. Whatever he says there, the coincidence of the calendar is its own kind of question: whether the discipline Yom Kippur asks for — an honest accounting of what's changed and what hasn't — extends as readily to guarding against complacency - as it does to observance itself.


Watch the full interview above, or at youtu.be/puF7R18vu9o. Timestamp links jump directly to the moment quoted.

At 25th Anniv. of 9/11 Attacks, UCLA Law School defends the professed killer of Prof. Judea Pearl's journalist son, Daniel Pearl, & 3,000 people in NY, DC, & PA on Sept. 11th, 2001

UCLA School of Law marked the 25th anniversary of September 11 with a two-day symposium, “25 Years After 9/11: Reimagining Freedom, Justice, and Security,” on September 10–11. The sponsors were five law-school centers: Critical Race Studies, International & Comparative Law, the Institute for Technology, Law & Policy, the Promise Institute for Human Rights, and the Miñana Family Center for Immigration Law & Policy. 






Melanie T. Partow, a defense attorney for Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, was listed on the Friday morning panel “Torture, Rendition, and Detention: The Erosion of the Rights Regime post 9/11.” She did not respond to the Los Angeles Times.1

Melanie T. Partow, defense attorney for Khalid Sheikh Mohammed
Melanie T. Partow, defense attorney for Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, the accused architect of the Sept. 11 attacks who later claimed to have beheaded Daniel Pearl.

Mr. Mohammed is the accused architect of the September 11 attacks. In a 2007 Pentagon transcript, he said he beheaded Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl in Pakistan in 2002.2


Daniel Pearl in captivity in Pakistan, 2002.

Daniel Pearl’s father, Professor Judea Pearl, has been at UCLA for 56 years.3 He founded and hosts an annual Daniel Pearl Memorial Lecture on that campus. Next month that lecture is scheduled to feature Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich.1

Professor Judea Pearl
Prof. Judea Pearl, father of Daniel Pearl and a pioneer in artificial intelligence, has been at UCLA 56 years.

Pearl told the New York Post he was ashamed of his university. He accused the law school of “weaponizing the painful days of 9/11 and 10/7 to promote hateful ideologies.”4 He later told the Los Angeles Times: “To my esteemed colleagues at these five centers: Please find different dates to engage us with your political sophistry.”1 He also said a September 11 event “should be used to commemorate the victims of that attack: Innocent Americans.”5

The program gave the dead fifteen minutes on Friday morning. Lunch got an hour.6 The panels addressed torture, detention, surveillance, immigration enforcement, “White Christian nationalism,” and “the ongoing genocide in Gaza.” Other speakers included Hussam Ayloush of CAIR-California, who after October 7 said “Israel should be attacked”; Yale’s Aslı Ü. Bâli, who called counterterrorism a “racist gravy train”; and Amna Akbar, who called the alleged murder of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson a “spectacular act of protest.”7 No panel listed 9/11 families, first responders, or prosecutors.

A UCLA Law spokesman had said the school has a “longstanding commitment to academic freedom,” that program events do not speak for the school, and that it “does not withdraw invitations because a speaker or viewpoint is sensitive or controversial.”8

On Friday, September 11, Chancellor Julio Frenk issued a campus statement. He said Judea Pearl is “a deeply valued member of the UCLA community,” called Daniel Pearl’s murder “an act of unspeakable evil,” and said: “Nothing about this event at the UCLA School of Law, which we do not endorse, changes or qualifies those commitments.” He added: “Academic freedom does not require us to be neutral about antisemitism or terrorism.” He said he understood why Pearl and others were “deeply hurt.”9 He did not cancel the symposium. He did not remove Partow from the program.

Organizers answered Frenk. Law professors Ahilan Arulanantham and LaToya Baldwin Clark said they were “enormously proud of the symposium we organized, and UCLA should be too.” They said critics who did not attend missed memorials, including Arulanantham’s account of being in Manhattan on September 11 and Jasleen Kohli’s account that her mother nearly boarded a hijacked flight.

Law professor Aaron Littman said he was “profoundly disappointed in our chancellor, as a member of the UCLA law faculty and a Jew,” and that treating the invitation of a defense lawyer as an endorsement of the client’s deeds “is a threat to democracy.”

Law professor Seana Shiffrin called the program “academically serious” and said a torture-and-rendition panel is stronger with counsel who has handled those cases. She did not attend Partow’s panel.1

A defense lawyer may speak on campus any week of the year. Guantánamo counsel is a lawful job. September 11 is not an ordinary programming date. UCLA put Mohammed’s lawyer on that date, at Pearl’s university, while Pearl’s own lecture in his son’s name remains on the calendar. Frenk said the university does not endorse the event. The five centers held it anyway. Pearl asked them to pick different dates. They did not.


Notes

1 Jaweed Kaleem, “UCLA chancellor rebukes law school event featuring attorney of alleged 9/11 ‘mastermind,’” Los Angeles Times, September 12, 2026. Link

2 Pentagon transcript of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, released 2007, quoted in Ross O’Keefe, New York Post, September 10, 2026, and in Kaleem, Los Angeles Times, September 12, 2026.

3 “At 90, UCLA’s Judea Pearl is still asking the big questions,” UCLA Newsroom, September 11, 2026. Link

4 Ross O’Keefe, “UCLA professor blasts university for hosting lawyer tied to son’s murderer,” New York Post, September 10, 2026. Link

5 Ross O’Keefe, “UCLA chancellor condemns controversial 9/11 campus event,” New York Post, September 11, 2026. Link

6 UCLA School of Law, “25 Years After 9/11 Symposium” program, September 10–11, 2026. Link

7 Aaron Sibarium, “‘Israel Should Be Attacked’: UCLA To Host 9/11 Symposium Featuring Terror Apologists,” Washington Free Beacon, September 8, 2026. Link

8 UCLA Law spokesman, quoted in Sibarium, Washington Free Beacon, September 8, 2026.

9 Chancellor Julio Frenk, “Comment regarding media coverage on Sept. 10,” UCLA Newsroom, September 11, 2026. Link